By Ivan Manokha (auth.)
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Extra info for The Political Economy of Human Rights Enforcement
2–3). In another publication Haass (2000) emphasizes that human-rights enforcement should aim at achieving only the basic requirement of saving lives, while more ambitious objectives such as promoting multi-ethnic societies or democracy, or engaging in nation-building should be avoided. He also suggests that to reduce costs, the US should work to train and equip others so that they can carry out humanitarian operations themselves. A priority should be placed on the development of a regional force for Africa, and US allies in Europe and Asia should also be encouraged to develop forces suitable for intervention (also see Haass, 1997, 1998; Haass and O’Sullivan, 2000).
Much of this selectivity stems from the strategic interests of the dominant North Atlantic Concert,’ he contends, and ‘humanitarianism is the new code word for old-fashioned intervention undertaken for punitive purposes that have little to do with humanitarian concerns’ (Ayoob, 2001, p. 225). Forsythe highlights the fact that action in the name of human rights is not undertaken when there is no strategic or economic interest at stake; he says there is an ‘enormous gap between the liberal legal framework on human rights that most states have formally endorsed, and the realist principles that they often follow in their foreign policies’ (Forsythe, 2000, p.
Charney also asserts that ‘the so-called 40 The Political Economy of Human Rights Enforcement doctrine of human-rights enforcement can lead to an escalation of international violence, discord and disorder, and diminish protections of human rights worldwide’ (Charney, 1999, pp. 834–5; see also Chinkin, 1999, p. 847; Schachter, 1991, p. 126; Falk, 1999, p. 848). The opposite view is to allow the right of unilateral human-rights enforcement. It comes down to the assertion that ‘we delude ourselves if we think that the role of norms is to remove the possibility of abusive claims ever being made’ (Higgins, 1994, p.