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By Stephen F. Szabo

Germany and the U.S. entered the post-9/11 period as allies, yet they'll depart it as companions of convenience—or even in all likelihood as opponents. the 1st complete exam of the German-American dating written because the invasion of Iraq, Parting methods is crucial for these trying to chart the long run process the transatlantic alliance. In early 2003, it grew to become obvious that many countries, together with shut allies of the USA, wouldn't perform the U.S.-led coalition opposed to Iraq. regardless of the high-profile rigidity among the us and France, essentially the most sour competition got here from Germany, marking the tip not just of the German-American "special relationship," but in addition of the wider transatlantic relationship’s preeminence in Western strategic notion. Drawing on wide learn and private interviews with decisionmakers and knowledgeable observers in either the us and Germany, Stephen F. Szabo frames the conflict among Gerhard Schr?der and George W. Bush over U.S. coverage in Iraq within the context of the bigger alterations shaping the connection among the 2 nations. Szabo considers such longer-term components because the reducing strategic significance of the U.S.-German dating for every kingdom within the post-cold struggle period, the emergence of a brand new German identification inside Germany itself, and a U.S. international coverage led via what's arguably the main ideological management of the post-World warfare II period.

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S. and German lead- Responding to 9-11 19 ers to this meeting. 11 On the plane returning to Berlin from Washington, Schröder told his aides that Germany could not play the same nonassertive and limited military role that it had during the cold war. Now and in the future it had to make a military contribution. This was consistent with a fundamental belief that he had brought with him to the chancellorship—that Germany’s foreign role should match its economic power and its growing geopolitical importance.

7 The final resolution, which gave Iraq a “final opportunity” to comply with its disarmament obligations and reminded it of “serious consequences” if it did not, was ambiguous. ”8 In other words, the one-versus-two-resolutions issue was not really resolved but simply postponed. According to White House officials, in mid-December the president and his closest aides made the final decision that military action was inevitable (although, as noted in chapter 2, Richard Haass was led to believe the decision had already been taken by July).

The Aussies, 18 Responding to 9-11 the French, the Canadians, the Germans want to help,” she said. “Anything they can do to help. . ” But Rumsfeld didn’t want other forces included for cosmetic purposes. Some German battalion or French frigate could get in the way of his operation. The coalition had to fit the conflict and not the other way around. . [CIA director] Tenet turned to Germany. . “The best thing the Germans can do is to get their act together on their own internal terrorist problems and the groups that we know are there,” he said.

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