By Donald Kirk (auth.)
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Extra resources for Okinawa and Jeju: Bases of Discontent
Meanwhile, he believes the base is a gigantic waste even militarily. “Nobody will attack Okinawa,” he says with complete confidence. “This is a peaceful place. ” But what if—the impossible? He quickly reverses course. S. bases,” he agrees. “So it will be targeted if China and North Korea attack. ” He’s heard “there’s an underground ammunition dump here”—a perfect target that would explode over a wide area. S. ” Down a twisting road to the beach, half a dozen people, mostly middle-aged women and one or two younger men, linger inside a large tent set on a stone seawall at the edge of the sand.
The Okinawa papers are always writing the Japanese are bad and the Americans are bad,” he says. The legacy of old times is never forgotten. “There’s a very deep history,” says Arakaki. ” Arakaki says he’s only “half Okinawan,” the other half “Japanese,” though all Okinawans in fact are Japanese, that is, citizens of Japan. , against the security alliance,” he says. “Everybody was. I went along. The press controls the young people. ” Barkeeps on Gate Two Street talk up their own version of the domino theory—the view that the loss of the bases would eventually mean loss of Okinawa Prefecture.
We don’t have incidents with military personnel here. We have communications regularly. ”7 Hiromi Kyoda’s husband, Masayoshi, joins the conversation. “When I was growing up, Camp Schwab was already here,” he says. “We were grateful to have the base. It made business for everyone. My parents were working on the base. ” Now “the system has changed” and the base is hiring people from Futenma, site of the existing marine air station, ostensibly for their expertise— but perhaps to diminish anti-base protest.