By Ryan C. Hendrickson
In the course of President Barack Obama's first time period in place of work, the U.S. increased its army presence in Afghanistan and elevated drone missile moves throughout Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia. The management additionally deployed the army to strive against piracy within the Indian Ocean, engaged in a sustained bombing operation in Libya, and deployed U.S. specified Forces in significant Africa to trap or kill Joseph Kony. In those instances, President Obama determined to exploit strength with out congressional approval. but, this elevated govt energy has now not been accomplished just by the presidential statement of such powers. It has additionally been supported through a bunch of senators and representatives who, for political purposes that stem from consistent campaigning, search to prevent accountability for army motion abroad.
In this revealing publication, Ryan C. Hendrickson examines President Obama's use of strength in his first time period with 4 significant case reports. He demonstrates that, very like his predecessors, Obama has secure the administrative branch's correct not just to command, but additionally to figure out whilst and the place American forces are deployed. He additionally considers the balloting documents of Democrat John Kerry and Republican John McCain within the Senate, detailing how either males have performed major roles in empowering the commander-in-chief whereas proscribing Congress's impact on army decision-making.
Obama at War establishes that the imperial presidency poses major overseas coverage dangers, and concludes with attainable options to revive a extra significant stability of strength. the 1st booklet at the constitutional and political dating among President Obama and the U.S. Congress and using army strength, this well timed reassessment of battle powers presents a lucid exam of government privilege and legislative deference within the sleek American republic.
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Additional info for Obama at War: Congress and the Imperial Presidency
Micah Zenko notes that if the drone is fired by the Department of Defense, which normally means that the strike has been carried out by the Joint Special Operations Command, individual strikes are not reported directly to Congress’s Armed Services Committees but in some capacity are addressed in a “special access” biannual report to Congress. 28 34 Obama at War The public’s knowledge of this oversight came in part as a result of journalistic criticism over the perceived lack of congressional oversight of Obama’s drone program.
Ultimately, I do not believe that it is the ideal role for Congress to play. S. war decisions when he proposed major troop reductions to Iraq and expressed his opposition to Bush’s troop-surge proposals. ”60 Both comments clearly suggest meaningful ways in which Congress can influence war and provide a check on the commander in chief on both how a war is waged and whether more troops can be introduced into warfare. When Obama was queried on the constitutionality of his proposals, he responded that Congress’s 2002 authorization to use force in Iraq did not permit President Bush total and absolute discretion in determining war policies.
7 Given that the authorization to use force in Afghanistan passed by Congress on September 15, 2001, was so broad, a strong case can be made that in his troop decision Obama acted within his constitutional authority as commander in chief, and in that respect large-scale congressional involvement may not necessarily have been expected. ”8 Many would argue that with such an expansive authorization the commander in chief would unquestionably be permitted to increase the troop number in Afghanistan.