By Andrew F. Cooper (auth.)
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Additional resources for Internet Gambling Offshore: Caribbean Struggles over Casino Capitalism
Nevertheless, the parallels should not be stretched too far. A plausible argument can be made that there was actually more culpability in the prohibition era case, as clearly there was an appreciation about the destination of the large amounts of whiskey sold near the Canada–US border. There was also the key element of an explicit mob/ gangster connection. As perhaps a measure of this lack of comparative guilt, Antigua demonstrated a willingness to move to a hands-on position – not only at the domestic level but more saliently at the international level through the WTO – to try to push back the US challenge.
As one OECD report stated: ‘governments and residents of tax free havens can be ‘free riders’ of general public goods created by a non-haven country’ (OECD, 1998: 15). The anomalous political circumstances found in the highest-profile OFCs lend themselves to analysis as well. In the Caribbean, the states with the largest OFC sectors remain colonial, non-self-governing territorial dependents of the United Kingdom – namely Bermuda, the British Virgin Islands, and the Cayman Islands. The non- democratic character of the main European enclaves – whether they are straddling territorial jurisdictions such as the Channel Islands of Jersey/Guernsey and the Isle of Man, or continental principalities such as Luxemburg, Lichtenstein, or Monaco – is also of note.
Frank’s legislation, although in this attempt not surviving past 26 Internet Gambling Offshore the committee stage, would set up a framework for the federal government to license and tax Internet gambling. The bill also proposed to set up safeguards for consumers to ensure their transactions would be dealt with justly (US Congress, 2007a). From another angle, the new offshore challenge had the effect of closing ranks in the US political system about where and by whom (if not how and why) regulation would take place.