By Claude Eilers (ed.)
The Roman global was once essentially a face-to-face tradition, the place it used to be anticipated that communique and negotiations will be performed in individual. this is often visible in Rome's contacts with different towns, states, and kingdoms - even if established, self sufficient, pleasant or adverse - and within the improvement of a diplomatic behavior with its personal rhythms and protocols that coalesced right into a self-sustaining process of communique. This quantity of papers bargains ten views at the means during which ambassadors, embassies, and the institutional apparatuses helping them contributed to Roman rule. figuring out Roman diplomatic practices illuminates not just questions on Rome's evolution as a Mediterranean strength, yet may also make clear a wide selection of old and cultural tendencies. Contributers of this name are: Sheila L. Ager, Alexander Yakobson, Filippo Battistoni, James B. Rives, Jean-Louis Ferrary, Martin Jehne, T. Corey Brennan, Werner Eck, and Rudolf Haensch.
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Extra info for Diplomats and Diplomacy in the Roman World (Mnemosyne, Bibliotheca Classica Batava Supplementum)
G. 37 Another comment that can be made about these examples is that quite obviously not all of them illustrate a case of successful mediation between Rome and an opponent. 39 It may be significant that in both cases there was still a major military issue that had not yet been decided. Sulpicius Galba’s ‘secret message’ to the senate in 207 argued that it was to the benefit of the Romans that the war continue, and in 190, at the time of Herakleia’s alleged oﬀer, Scipio had hopes—which turned out to be good ones—for a major victory over Antiochos.
52 There is nothing in third party deprecation to injure the Romans’ touchy sense of maiestas. Furthermore, anyone may oﬀer deprecation. 53 A mediator, on the other hand, by the very nature of the task Polyb. 31, 7–16 (cf. 10, 4–6); Polyb. 5, 3. 29. This whole aﬀair looks suspiciously stage-managed by Flamininus. 14, 6–7). This clear declaration of partiality for Rome— not to mention Prusias’ apparently obsequious behaviour, which may have emphasized his self-presentation as a Roman client—meant that his special pleading for Perseus at Rome (as a deprecator) was not in the same league as the haughty Rhodian demand with which Livy contrasts it.
Albert, Bellum iustum, 17–20 argues that ius fetiale and iustae causae were both required to make a war just; L. Loreto, Il bellum iustum e i suoi equivoci: Cicerone ed una componente della rappresentazione romana del Völkerrecht antico (Storia politica costituzionale e militare del mondo antico, 1; Napoli, 2001) argues that Cicero believed that a war was just if it was managed in accordance with fetial law, and that real just causes were immaterial (cf. also W. Harris’s review of Albert, Bellum iustum [Gnomon 54 (1982) pp.