By Harold Nicolson
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Beijing has to face the following three unavoidable issues regarding respect, international space and security that are so crucial for Taiwan in the eyes of the Taiwanese. Firstly, while Ma Ying-jeou acknowledges the “one China” concept under the ROC Constitution, proposing that neither Beijing nor Taipei should at least reject the existence of the other, then what does Beijing’s “one China” principle mean with respect to Taiwan’s status, if Beijing continuously refuses to recognize the existence of the ROC?
11 For such an approach to work, it is essential not only to cultivate “a common fate” between the two sides of the Straits, as George W. Tsai aptly suggests in Chapter 5 of this volume, but also to make sure that the Taiwanese people as well as political parties will become a true stakeholder and have a real voice in whatever form of future political arrangement that involves the mainland and the island. This would help the Taiwanese overcome the deep-rooted psychological feeling of being absorbed by the mainland, given the huge gap in capacities between the two sides.
After the Wang–Koo Shanghai talks, the CCP Secretary-General Jiang Zemin met Koo Chen-fu in Beijing. qxd 3/8/2011 12:49 PM Page 30 b1078 Cross-Taiwan Straits Relations 30 Yan Anlin 9 July 1999, and the basis of dialogues between the ARATS and the SEF was therefore damaged. The result was the indefinite postponement of Wang Daohan’s visit to Taiwan. In the end, the Wang–Koo talks in Shanghai were the last to be held before their respective deaths. 3. 1 The DPP Administration’s “Taiwan Independence” Policy and Cross-Straits Relations at a Deadlock As a result of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)’s victory in the election in Taiwan on 18 March 2000, Chen Shui-bian came into office on 20 May 2000.