By Stephan Frühling, Michael Clarke
Australia's Uranium exchange explores why the export of uranium is still a hugely debatable factor in Australia and the way this impacts Australia's engagement with the strategic, regime and marketplace nation-states of foreign nuclear affairs. The booklet makes a speciality of the foremost demanding situations dealing with Australian coverage makers in a twenty-first century context the place civilian nuclear power intake is increasing considerably whereas even as the foreign nuclear nonproliferation regime is topic to expanding, and unparalleled, pressures. via targeting Australia as a well-liked case research, the publication is worried with how a historically powerful supporter of the overseas nuclear nonproliferation regime is trying to recalibrate its curiosity in maximizing the commercial and diplomatic merits of elevated uranium exports in the course of a interval of flux within the strategic, regime and marketplace geographical regions of nuclear affairs. Australia's Uranium exchange offers broader classes for a way – certainly no matter if – nuclear providers all over the world are adapting to the altering nuclear surroundings the world over.
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Extra info for Australia's Uranium Trade : The Domestic and Foreign Policy Challenges of a Contentious Export
Given the real threats that have been made in the past against its Lucas Heights facility, Australia is well placed to initiate cooperation without appearing to be exclusively concerned with the threats posed to and by others’ nuclear facilities. Joint nuclear security training exercises and exchanges of best practice could also be envisaged, followed by, as confidence builds, the more sensitive peer review type of exchange in the longer term. Above all, Australian policy towards a nuclear energy revival in its region needs to be couched in terms that do not give the impression that it is seeking to deny any state the perceived benefits (however apparently ill-advised in particular cases) of a technology that Australia has, for the foreseeable future, rejected for itself.
Most have either signed one or already have it in force. However, key aspirant states, Egypt, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria and Venezuela, have done neither. The most worrying development would be if the new entrants seek the full nuclear fuel cycle, including uranium enrichment and plutonium reprocessing— which can be used to make reactor fuel or nuclear weapons. Jordan is reportedly resisting following the UAE model of foregoing such options, on the grounds that it may wish to enrich its own domestic uranium resources at some stage.
A newcomer will take years―the IAEA estimates at least five― to establish legislative and regulatory frameworks, and security infrastructure, systems and practices. As in the case of nuclear safety, it may take such states much longer to establish an acceptable security culture. The international conventions in this field are far from universal in adherence and application, and nowhere near as effective as in the nuclear safety field. The principal treaty, the 1987 Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material The Nuclear Energy Revival and Global Governance 33 (CPPNM), currently only applies to international shipments of nuclear material.